Scott, Adams Introduce Bill to Protect Future Benefits, Health Care for Miners with Black Lung Disease

 

January 20, 2022

WASHINGTON – Today, Education and Labor Committee Chairman Bobby Scott (VA-03) and Subcommittee on Workforce Protections Chairwoman Alma Adams (NC-12), introduced

the Black Lung Benefits Disability Trust Fund Solvency Act of 2022 (H.R. 6462).

This legislation would extend the black lung excise tax rate, which expired at the end of last year, to fund future benefits and health care for miners suffering from black lung disease.

Without revenue from the tax, the Black Lung Disability Trust Fund is at risk of becoming insolvent at a time when the number of black lung cases is rapidly increasing.

A May 2018 GAO report found that failure to extend the tax rate will increase the Fund’s debt from approximately $5 billion to $15 billion by 2050.

“History shows that miners and their families will be forced to pay the price in the form of reduced eligibility for benefits if Congress allows the Black Lung Disability Trust Fund to sink deeper into debt,” said Chairman Scott (VA-03).

“The Black Lung Benefits Disability Trust Fund Solvency Act of 2022 substantially reduces that risk by protecting the long-term sustainability of the Trust Fund, while ensuring that the coal industry does not shift the cost of benefits. Given the recent rise in the most severe form of black lung disease, Congress must take action to secure future benefits and health care for disabled miners.”

“With the number of black lung cases rapidly increasing, Congress must take action to secure health care and benefits for disabled miners. We can’t allow the Black Lung Disability Trust Fund to sink deeper into debt,” said Congresswoman Alma Adams (NC-12), chair of the Workforce Protections Subcommittee.

“Coal operators and their Wall Street creditors are gaming the system, while miners face an uncertain future and American taxpayers foot the bill. This is a failure on multiple fronts to protect American taxpayers, miners, and their families.

“The Black Lung Benefits Disability Trust Fund Solvency Act of 2022 will protect the long-term sustainability of the Trust Fund, and prevent the coal industry from shifting the cost to taxpayers. I’m proud to re-introduce this legislation with Chairman Scott.”

“Long-term funding for the Black Lung Disability Trust Fund is a necessity. Miners are suffering from Coal Workers Pneumoconiosis, or Black Lung, because they dedicated their lives providing this nation with electricity and steel. The least Congress could do is ensure that the benefits they depend on to survive will always be there,” said Cecil Roberts, President of the United Mine Workers of America.

The Black Lung Disability Trust Fund is financed primarily by a tax on coal produced and sold domestically. The tax was first established in 1978 at $0.50 per ton on underground coal and $0.25 per ton on surface coal. The funding was later raised to $1.10/ton for underground coal and $0.55/ton for surface coal.

Due to congressional inaction, however, on December 31, 2021, the tax rate reverted to $0.50 per ton on underground coal and $0.25 per ton on surface coal—a 55 percent reduction. Congressional failure to renew the tax rate will cost the trust fund an estimated $2.6 million per week.

The Trust Fund is already approximately $5 billion in debt. The Black Lung Benefits Disability Trust Fund Solvency Act would extend the black lung disease tax through December 31, 2031 to ensure that miners and black lung disease victims have access to the care and treatment they need.

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Sanders, Warren and Baldwin urge Larry Fink to intervene in strike at coal company partially owned by BlackRock

SOURCE: CNBC
January 14, 2022


Sanders, Warren and Baldwin urge Larry Fink to intervene in strike at coal company partially owned by BlackRock

Sens. Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and Tammy Baldwin pressed BlackRock CEO Larry Fink to use his firm’s sizable financial stake in Warrior Met Coal to compel the company’s management to broker a deal with its striking coal miners.

The trio said the miners employed by the Alabama-based coal company are striking to win better pay and benefits from a job that requires them to work in “extremely dangerous” conditions.

“As we hope you understand, the mines in Alabama run 24 hours per day. Workers can face termination for missing more than four days of work,” Sanders, Warren and Baldwin wrote in a letter dated Thursday that was obtained by CNBC. “Given BlackRock’s stake in the company and your position within BlackRock, we are asking you to do the right thing.”

Some of BlackRock’s most popular products are its index funds, investment vehicles that allow clients exposure to a portfolio constructed to match the components of a specific financial market index. In other words, those funds are not actively managed.

Such products allow investors an easy and cheap way to put money in a fund that will offer performance almost identical to a popular market index, such as the S&P 500. More than a dozen BlackRock index funds owned equity in Warrior Met Coal at the end of 2021.

Separately, each fund owns a fraction of the coal company. But combined across all its many funds, BlackRock controlled about 13% of Warrior Met Coal stock at year’s end, making it the company’s largest stakeholder, according to a FactSet analysis.

Man holding unfair labor practices sign.

“Mr. Fink: Our request to you is simple,” Sanders, Warren and Baldwin added. “BlackRock’s Board must publicly demand that Warrior Met negotiate in good faith and agree to a reasonable contract that treats workers with dignity and respect.”

The timing of the letter appeared intentional and designed for maximum impact given that BlackRock is scheduled to publish its quarterly earnings report later Friday morning. Representatives for BlackRock and Warrior Met declined to comment for this story.

About 1,000 workers represented by the United Mine Workers of America have been on strike at Warrior Met Coal since April 2021. But the strike’s beginnings can be traced to 2016, when Warrior Met bought the mines from bankrupt Walter Energy.

As part of the corporate restructuring, the coal miners agreed to a $6 an hour pay cut and a “substantial” reduction in their health and retirement benefits, according to Sanders, I-Vt., Warren, D-Mass., and Baldwin, D-Wis.

But since the company’s rebound from bankruptcy and return to profitability, its workers have not had their compensation restored as promised, Sanders told CNBC.

“Instead of providing the kind of wages and benefits that the workers need and are entitled to, what is being offered is a totally unsatisfactory contract,” Sanders said Thursday afternoon. “We’re saying to Mr. Fink, ‘Do the morally right thing.’ What we’re asking for is: ‘Tell the company executives to sit down and negotiate a fair contract with the union.’”

This isn’t the first time Sanders and Warren have needled Wall Street titans to support workers at major investments.

Sanders wrote a similar letter to Berkshire Hathaway CEO Warren Buffett last year asking him to intervene on behalf of striking steelworkers at West Virginia-based Special Metals. Precision Castparts, a subsidiary of Buffett’s conglomerate, owns Special Metals.

It’s not unusual for those seeking changes in the corporate universe to beseech Fink.

BlackRock manages more than $9 trillion, making it by far the largest money manager in the world. The colossal pool of capital makes Fink one of the most powerful investors and empowers him to pitch serious campaigns against company managers or directors who don’t respect his requests.

Unlike many money managers who are careful not to upset clients, Fink has over the years made climate change his central political cause. He has for years encouraged corporate executives to reduce carbon emissions and shrink their environmental footprints.

Fink took his campaign a step further in 2021 when he called on all companies “to disclose a plan for how their business model will be compatible with a net-zero economy.” He added at the time that his firm planned to change its investment process and how its nonpassive funds could dump holdings that don’t adhere to its climate goals.

Written by: Thomas Franck and Ylan Mui

‘It just ain’t right’: WV retired miners condemn Congress’ failure to restore tax behind black lung benefits

Source: Charleston Gazette-Mail

January 15, 2021

 

‘It just ain’t right’: WV retired miners condemn Congress’ failure to restore tax behind black lung benefits

Jerry Coleman used to hunt.

But 37 years in the mines took away the breathing capacity he needed to walk up a hill or drag a deer, leaving him with black lung disease and the will to fight for others who lost lung power as they helped power the country.  Coleman, 69, of Cabin Creek is president of the Kanawha County Black Lung Association. Many of the group’s members require supplemental oxygen to live.  “We can’t do the things that people our age that don’t have black lung can do,” Coleman said.  They also can’t do lawmakers’ jobs.  Congress has failed to extend a tax on coal production that supports the fund that provides critical healthcare benefits for miners and their families.

The tax expired at the end of 2021, reverting back to substantially lower levels and threatening the long-term benefits of thousands of West Virginia mine veterans. “It’s a sad situation,” said David Bounds, vice president of the Fayette County Black Lung Association. “It’s a trust fund that’s gonna go broke.” The Black Lung Disability Trust Fund pays benefits to miners as well as their eligible survivors and dependents when no responsible coal operator is identified or when the liable operator does not pay. “Who’s paying these coal miners? How are they going to pay them?” Bounds asked. “The money has to come from somewhere.”

Bounds was diagnosed with black lung disease in 1982. He worked in the mines for another 21 years, operating coal loaders and shuttle cars to support his daughter and put food on the table. Bounds, 74, no longer has enough wind to carry two loads of groceries into his Oak Hill home from his driveway 25 feet away, decades after mine operators pushed him and fellow workers to mine three times more coal as they would on inspection days.

Bounds recalled that his black lung benefits started coming from the federal government after the A.T. Massey Coal Company went bankrupt, putting taxpayers on the hook. “You promise something, you oughta stick to it,” Bounds said. “[The company] should have to pay me the rest of my life. They should have to pay me because I won that award. There should be no way out of it. They should have to pay. Taxpayers shouldn’t have to come up with that money.” The trust fund pays for benefits in cases where the miner’s employer has gone bankrupt, straining the fund as the coal industry’s decline accelerates.

Coal company bankruptcies have burdened the trust fund with hundreds of millions of dollars of liability. “They’re not paying their [excise] tax,” Coleman said. Coleman and other black lung benefit advocates have lobbied Congress for years to shore up the fund, urging lawmakers to increase the tax by 25% in line with a federal audit agency finding that such a hike could eliminate the fund’s debt by 2050. “It’s up to the companies and the government,” Coleman said. “We kept this country lit up for a long time and people took it for granted.” But miner advocates have had to fight just to ensure the extension of the excise taxes from year to year. Excise tax rates of $1.10 per ton of coal mined underground and 55 cents per ton of surface-mined coal have been cut by more than half to 50 and 25 cents, respectively, because of Congress’ inaction. The taxes reverted back to original rates in 2019 when Congress failed to act the previous year.

The Black Lung Disability Trust Fund collected $271 million in revenue in fiscal year 2021. Based on that figure and the fees change, the fund could see revenues decreased by more than $2 million a week. A 2018 report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office, a nonpartisan agency that investigates federal spending, found that trust fund borrowing might exceed $15 billion by 2050. A 2020 report from the agency found that just three coal mine operator bankruptcies from 2014 to 2016 added $865 million in estimated benefit responsibility to the fund. More bankruptcies have followed. “This burden will be paid by taxpayers and not the coal companies responsible for the disease,” the Appalachian Citizens’ Law Center and the environmental group Appalachian Voices said in a report released earlier this month calling for the excise tax to be extended.

“It just ain’t right,” Bounds said. Financial risks to the Black Lung Disability Trust Fund loom especially large in West Virginia. There were 4,423 black lung claims in fiscal year 2021 under Part C of the Black Lung Benefits Act in West Virginia, according to U.S. Department of Labor statistics. Disbursements in West Virginia totaled $38 million, far more than in any other state and accounting for more than a fourth of all payments made nationwide. Saying it would hurt the coal industry, the state’s congressional delegation has opposed increasing the excise tax. President Biden’s $1.75 trillion spending package known as Build Back Better, approved by the House, includes a four-year extension of the excise tax at previous rates. Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., and four other Senate Democrats reintroduced legislation last year that would extend the tax for 10 years. That legislation has languished in the Senate since being referred to the Finance Committee in September.

Manchin’s opposition to Build Back Better has kept that bill and its four-year excise tax rate extension from passing. “Manchin, I don’t know what his plans are,” Coleman said. “We were looking for at least the four-year extension.” “If he doesn’t help us get this passed, it seems like we’ll be in worse shape than we’re already in,” National Black Lung Association President Gary Hairston of Beckley said last month. Hairston was one of 15 Black Lung Association representatives to join the Kanawha County Black Lung Association, the United Mine Workers of America union and 67 partnering organizations in signing a letter to congressional leaders Thursday urging them to pass the bill that Manchin and other Senate Democrats reintroduced.

“If it wasn’t for the black lung associations making a little bit of noise and letting people know that we’re still here, my own feeling [is] that the government would eventually just let it go, just forget about it,” Coleman said. Organizations joining area black lung associations in signing the letter included the Charleston branch of the NAACP; Coal River Mountain Watch, a Raleigh County-based nonprofit that opposes mountaintop removal; the West Virginia Citizen Action Group; the West Virginia Council of Churches; West Virginia Interfaith Power and Light; and the West Virginia Rivers Coalition. “Miners and families impacted by black lung need the stability of a longer-term extension of the excise tax so they can address other urgent issues — including a study on the adequacy of the benefits, the need for workplace protections to prevent the disease, and legislation that addresses the [fund’s] solvency crisis over the long-term,” the letter states.

The UMWA called last month on Manchin to “revisit” his opposition to Build Back Better, urging him and other senators to avoid shifting the burden of paying black lung benefits away from coal companies onto taxpayers. The number of black lung beneficiaries is likely to escalate in the near term due to an increasing frequency of severe cases in central Appalachia impacting more younger miners and their families.

Miner advocates attribute the trend to federal mine regulators not sufficiently protecting coal miners from the disease, pointing to a silica exposure limit that a federal watchdog agency has said is out of date — essentially the same limit as was established in the 1960s.

While miners fight just to maintain funding for health benefits they need to survive, coal companies operating in West Virginia keep mining not only with less of a black lung excise tax burden but lowered severance taxes and limited consequences for coal reclamation tax liabilities. “[T]he government’s letting them by,” Coleman said. Left in the dust Black lung monthly benefit rates for 2021 were $693 for a primary beneficiary and $1,040 for a primary beneficiary and one dependent. “The last little bit of hard-earned benefits many miners still receive is through this Trust Fund,” Beckley attorney Sam Brown Petsonk, who represents miners in black lung cases, said in an email. “It should be unthinkable that Congress would neglect to permanently protect the Trust Fund.”

Petsonk said he has seen a dramatic increase in cases among miners in their 40s and 50s. Some cases are so severe, miners in their early-to-mid-40s require lung transplants. The Appalachian Citizens’ Law Center is seeing more severe black lung disease than ever, said Rebecca Shelton, policy and organizing director at the Kentucky-based nonprofit law firm that represents coal miners in black lung disability claims. Miner advocates have condemned the Mine Safety and Health Administration for refusing to lower the legal exposure limit for silica dust, the catalyst for the sharp rise in the most severe black lung cases. Silica dust is composed of small particles that become airborne during drilling, chipping, cutting, grinding and other work activities. Although the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health says chronic silicosis usually occurs after 10 or more years of exposure to respirable crystalline silica, the agency has noted the disease can occur much more quickly after heavy exposures.

Severe black lung in central Appalachia has reached its highest level since record-keeping began in the 1970s, according to a 2018 report in the American Journal of Public Health. The report found one in 20 long-tenured underground miners in central Appalachia had coal workers’ pneumoconiosis, or black lung, that had advanced to progressive massive fibrosis, a condition the authors noted is “totally disabling.” “We can think of no other industry or workplace in the United States in which this would be considered acceptable,” the authors wrote. Mining veterans and industry experts say miners are cutting into more surrounding rock as coal seams thin, increasing exposure to silica dust from the crushed rock. “This silica, whenever it hits your lungs, it doesn’t come out,” Nicholas County Black Lung Association President Arvin Hanshaw said during a recent online press conference.

The Department of Labor Office of Inspector General found in a November 2020 report that the MSHA has not sufficiently protected coal miners from silica dust. The inspector general observed that the agency does not issue citations or fines for excess silica exposures alone since its exposure limit for silica is tied to its exposure limit for respirable coal mine dust. The office noted the agency’s silica sampling protocols might be too infrequent to protect miners. In its fall 2021 statement of regulatory priorities, the Department of Labor said the MSHA would propose a new silica standard. The Inspector General’s Office observed that the MSHA has spent more than two decades in rulemaking without changing its silica exposure limit, starting and restarting efforts for silica regulations at least five times, in 1996, 1998, 2003, 2010 and 2014.

“The fund itself is going down because you’ve got more people drawing from it and you’ve got less money going into it,” Bounds said. ‘Small thing to ask for’ Manchin has favored extending the excise tax at previous levels as has the UMWA, which has argued that raising the tax could increase taxpayer burden with companies being relieved of their obligations to pay the tax in bankruptcy court.

Sen. Shelley Moore Capito, R-W.Va., who is united with fellow congressional Republicans against Build Back Better, has expressed support for extending but not increasing the tax. Rep. Alex Mooney, R-W.Va., touted the trust fund’s importance in a statement last year but balked at raising the tax that supports it. “There needs to be a more efficient solution to continuing this program without raising taxes on a struggling industry,” Mooney said. A spokeswoman for Rep. Carol Miller, R-W.Va., last year condemned the proposed excise tax increase as a “resurgence of the War on Coal, meant to destroy our communities and usher in a radical socialist agenda.”

Miller said the focus should be on reducing cases and growing mining operations to support the trust fund at the same or lower rates. Rep. David McKinley, R-W.Va., has said he supports ensuring coal miners and their families get the benefits to which they are entitled, but he argued against raising the excise tax. “[R]aising taxes on coal companies that are already struggling to survive is not the answer,” McKinley said. “Doing so will just cause more bankruptcies for the coal industry — and more lost jobs in the coal fields.”

McKinley, Miller and Mooney all voted against Build Back Better and the four-year excise tax extension in November. “Truly, we feel that it’s incredibly unacceptable that this excise tax was cut,” Shelton said during Friday’s press conference. “It’s a very small thing to ask for for the continuation of this tax at its very low rate. We’re just asking for a continuation of the status quo. Senators and representatives often pledge their support for miners and their families, but we don’t see those words realized through action often enough.” “We put these representatives in office for our benefit,” said Hanshaw. Severe black lung disease ended his 35-year underground mining career.

“Black lung doesn’t hit just one side, it’s both sides. It’s both sides that puts these representatives in office in Congress to help the people. They need to be doing that.” Rising trust fund risk A Government Accountability Office report released last month found lax Department of Labor oversight of the self-insurance program for coal mine operators is increasing the financial risk to the Black Lung Disability Trust Fund. Bankruptcies of self-insured operators add to the estimated benefit responsibility of the trust fund when the amount of collateral the department requires does not fully cover the operator’s benefit responsibility in the event of insolvency. The office had recommended in a February 2020 report that the Department of Labor establish procedures for self-insurance renewals and coal operator appeals to reduce financial risk to the fund. The Labor Department agreed.

That month, according to the Government Accountability Office, the department sent letters to 14 self-insured operators asking them to provide about $251 million in total collateral. Half of the coal operators provided the collateral the department requested. The other half appealed. Department officials said their ability to resolve the appeals was hampered by the COVID-19 pandemic, and they suspended reviews of coal operator appeals. The Labor Department set a goal in December 2020 of resolving coal operator appeals within 90 days after receiving supporting documents or meeting with the operator to discuss their concerns, according to the accountability office.

But two months later, the department rescinded a preliminary bulletin that included that goal and other actions that would have addressed the office’s recommendations due to a program review by the Biden administration, the accountability office said. Department of Labor officials said they had taken no further action to resolve appeals or collect additional collateral or other information from self-insured operators. That inaction kept the department from obtaining $186 million in requested collateral from self-insured operators, including Utah-based Lighthouse Resources, whose bankruptcy filing could result in a transfer of $2.4 million of estimated benefit responsibility to the trust fund. Labor officials said the Biden administration’s program review was complete in November, but they could not describe expected changes to coal operator self-insurance, according to the accountability office.

“The Trust’s finances have continued to deteriorate,” the office said. Legislative priorities Severance tax cuts for coal companies have taken precedence over black lung benefits at the state level. The 2021 legislative session was the fourth straight in which a bill sponsored by Sen. Ron Stollings, D-Boone, setting up a state black lung fund supported by an increased severance tax on natural resources, including coal, died in the Senate. “We would love to see a positive black lung bill passed through this Legislature,” UMWA representative Chad Francis told the Senate Judiciary Committee during the 2021 session.

The state Department of Revenue estimated in 2019 that a steam coal severance tax reduction from 5% to 3% enacted that year would cost the state $64.1 million annually starting in fiscal year 2021. State legislators are considering another 2% coal severance tax reduction by July 2024 for coal not sold for generating electricity. A Senate bill with three Democratic and Republican sponsors each, including Senate President Craig Blair, R-Berkeley, would create a private, nonstock mining mutual insurance company funded by $50 million from Department of Environmental Protection-specified funds. The $50 million deposit would be considered a noninterest loan and would be paid back as credits as mine reclamation activities are completed, according to Senate Bill 1. The bill’s text says the legislation’s aim is to provide mining permit holders an option to obtain affordable performance bond insurance and guard the state’s special reclamation fund against further financial strain.

But the bill has drawn criticism for proposing to use state funds to help prop up coal companies in response to a damning state legislative audit report released in June. “It’s hard for me to see that as anything other than a way to lose $50 million of West Virginia’s money because given what’s happening with the coal mining industry, anyone who issues those sorts of bonds is going to have to pay out the full value of those bonds,” Sierra Club senior attorney Peter Morgan said. “And that’s going to quickly deplete the $50 million and any additional money the state might put into that.” The report found state lawmakers and environmental regulators risk letting the state’s mining reclamation program slip into insolvency through gaping holes in statutory and permitting oversight.

The report also concluded that the DEP has failed to comply with state and federal law in its reclamation program oversight, resulting in missed opportunities to financially shore up a program that will keep requiring hundreds of millions of dollars to reclaim permit sites per federal regulations. The report notes 70 mining companies had delinquent coal reclamation tax accounts totaling $5.3 million as of May. From 2009 to June 2020, on 138 occasions, state environmental regulators approved applications for mining permit issuances, renewals or revisions for companies with reclamation tax delinquencies, according to the audit. That violated the agency’s own policy of withholding approval of new or revised mining permits for applicants with reclamation tax delinquencies.

‘All the help we can get’ Fifteen years after retiring from the mines, Coleman said he believes miners have been used and forgotten as coal companies move on. “We’re just a number,” Coleman said. The numbers aren’t adding up for a trust fund miners can’t trust. After years of excise and severance tax breaks for West Virginia coal, Coleman said, he is hoping Congress just gives miners the modest break in benefits they thought they had coming to them. “We need all the help we can get,” Coleman said.

 

Written by: Mike Tony mtony@hdmediallc.com

 

A Portrait of a Modern Day Union Man on the Picket Line

Source: MelMagazine

January 13, 2021

 

Union leader Bryan Kelly and more than 1,000 other coal miners in Alabama are picketing hedge-fund ownership over broken promises and cut pay. It’s another chapter in a long history of miners who pioneered the art of the strike — to the benefit of all

 

To everyone who witnessed him in action, John L. Lewis was a force of nature. He was an intellectual who didn’t mind throwing hands with his foes, made famous by his scowl, bulldog jowls and penchant for facing monumental odds.

As the president of the United Mine Workers of America, Lewis led one of America’s most influential unions into battle. And over the course of 40 years, from the onset of the Great Depression through the aftermath of World War II, Lewis helped usher in a new age of labor power, growing solidarity and building what would eventually be known as the Congress of Industrial Organizations — all in the face of unprecedented anti-union politics in the form of the oppressive Taft-Hartley Act and rampant accusations of communism.

Lewis’ reign ended in 1960, and his dedication to improving worker wages, safety, and agency across the country was rewarded with a Presidential Medal of Honor in 1964. But nearly six decades later, the union he led is once again fighting for the future of workers whose livelihoods are withering under the pressure of corporate capitalism and dubious austerity cuts.

Since April 1, 2021, some 1,100 members of the UMWA have been on strike in Alabama, holding out for the wages, medical benefits, and hours they claim were promised by the owner of two valuable coal mines in the rural town of Brookwood.

It’s now officially the longest strike in Alabama history — and Brian Kelly, president of UMWA Local 2245, says the coal miners are committed to holding out until they can negotiate in good faith to restore everything that had been stripped away in the last five years. “People are wanting to stand up, and I get calls all the time asking about how we’re doing on the picket line and how starting a strike actually works,” Kelly tells me. “You gotta open your eyes and look at this country now. People are tired of taking this crap while watching CEOs and executives make all the money. This is a way to take the fight to them.”

Amid a 2021 full of strikes across multiple major industries, the fight down in Alabama is an illuminating example of how the history and future of unions are intertwined. Once again, in an age of economic consolidation, exploitation, and hardship, solidarity among workers is looking increasingly like a solution.

 

Brian Kelly (right), president of UMWA Local 2245, poses with a striking miner and a prize for UMWA’s float in the annual Brookwood Christmas parade.

 

The crisis in Brookwood began more than five years ago when mine owner Jim Walter Resources filed for bankruptcy and the remains of the operation were scooped up by a consortium of two-dozen-plus hedge funds. As part of that takeover, Local 2245 agreed to major concessions, allegedly in order to keep the operation, now dubbed Warrior Met Coal, afloat. Along with taking on higher insurance costs and losing various overtime wages, workers lost $6 on their wage and were often forced to work seven days a week — a first for Kelly, who is a third-generation coal worker and a 25-year veteran at the Brookwood mine. In turn, the miners were promised a restoration of benefits and pay when the time came for a new contract in 2021.

“It was natural that the market would bounce back and they would make good profits. They kept telling us, ‘You’ll get your day. Everything’s going to get better,’” Kelly says. Instead, what the miners were offered in April was an increase of just $1 an hour, with a 50-cent bump in year four of the contract. And it confirmed a suspicion of Kelly’s: This was more than cruel economics at work — it was disrespect, distilled into a bad-faith negotiation.

“We got the feeling when we came back from the bankruptcy layoff when we had a front-porch meeting and the new owners came out and said, ‘Hey, this is no longer Walter Energy. We’re going to do things our way,” Kelly says. “It turned into a miserable place to be. And, unsurprisingly, the turnover rate of miners went through the roof. We lost a lot of valuable, experienced UMWA miners.”

But the mistreatment alleged by Kelly had a silver lining: Mass discontent led union miners to sense an opportunity to fight in 2021. Warrior Met Coal noticed this and began preparing union-busting maneuvers in response, building up replacement workers from Eastern Kentucky and West Virginia. The best weapon UMWA workers had was to convince new workers to join their side, a gambit that Kelly says was highly successful in the beginning.

Nonetheless, that act of solidarity didn’t prevent an escalation by Warrior Met employees, who even ended up hitting picketing workers with trucks, as with the case of husband-and-wife duo Greg and Amy Pilkerton, who were both struck in separate incidents last summer. That violence, in addition to the lack of positive negotiations, inspired Kelly and dozens of other Alabama miners to travel to New York City in November, where they protested and rallied in front of the offices of majority shareholder BlackRock and two other funds.

Kelly was arrested at that protest, along with UMWA President Cecil Roberts and six other miners. That conclusion punctuated the irony of the whole day: Here was a hedge fund allegedly mistreating workers and mismanaging mines, yet the workers were the only ones facing legal trouble.

For now, Kelly and the 1,100 other miners on strike continue to hold out, only staying afloat with a combination of odd jobs, donations, savings, and grit. The little things have gotten a lot trickier in the Kelly household: Gas money is a tenuous exercise, and gifts for the kids have been shelved until the future. His oldest son is taking a sabbatical from college to work a full-time job, and Kelly’s wife has also taken on a job to help compensate for lost income.

The Local 2245 president admits that, if he could do one thing differently, it would be to budget more wisely for the fight: “I’ve started telling people to think about a contract strike and start saving up from about two years back,” he says. “Put your money in the bank, because we’re going to have to stand up to a big company.”

Most of all, Kelly is buoyed by the sensation that, all around the country, working people are becoming aware of the fight for better pay and conditions — and why every labor fight, from Kellogg’s to John Deere to Spectrum internet, is built upon the success of other union workers around the country. “People are paying attention. I have a brother who works at Mercedes-Benz’s plant in Vance, Alabama, and even though they’re non-union, they’re all supporting us because they know if we lose this strike, their plant could get gutted in a similar way,” Kelly says.

The heyday of the fierce American union may lay in the 20th century, under figures like Lewis, ChávezCruikshank, and Debs. But 2021 was a milestone year for worker-led movements that are responding to the duress of a global pandemic and generational economic crash, and leaders like Kelly remain steadfast in their belief that stubborn solidarity can change lives. “The United Mine Workers of America have once again achieved the impossible. We have once again negotiated an agreement against the greatest concentrated opposition that ever faced a labor union,” Lewis declared in 1951 after his miners held out for a month.

After nearly 10 months of striking in Brookwood, some 1,100 workers keep waiting, hoping for those words to ring true again.

 

Written by: Eddie Kim

Status of the UMWA’s 56th Consecutive Constitutional Convention

The UMWA has always believed that the health and safety of the delegates and guests who attend our convention is the number one priority.

In the past few months, there has been a rapid rise in recorded numbers of COVID-19 infections. A considerable number of our elected Delegates, who are already suffering from respiratory conditions from working in coal mines the majority of their lives, make up a portion of the population that has been deemed by experts as being the most vulnerable to the COVID-19 infection.

Therefore, the President Roberts has come to the conclusion that moving forward with an “in-person” Convention in January 2022 is far too dangerous at this time. The UMWA released a statement, “We are hereby postponing the Convention to a later date.” This decision was not taken lightly.

The UMWA is currently in negotiations with The Mirage to hold the Convention in June of 2022.

Delegates elected under the 2020 cycle will remain the Delegates to the UMWA’s 56th Consecutive Constitutional Convention.

In addition, Delegates who opted not to attend the January 2022 Convention because of concerns of COVID-19 are eligible to attend the Convention in June 2022.

If your flights were booked through our Union travel agent (Metropolitan Travel) then they have already been canceled.

Once our new Convention dates are set, your flight(s) will be rescheduled and you will receive a call from Metropolitan to confirm your new flight information.

Please do not contact the airline directly unless you made your own arrangements and did not go through Metropolitan Travel.

However, if you did in fact make your own reservations, or reservations for your spouse/guest, directly through the Airline, please contact them and they will allow you to reschedule your flight, or credit you cost of the flight, for up to twelve months from the date you originally booked the flight.

Please be advised, if you booked your flights directly through the airlines, you MUST cancel or change your original flights PRIOR to the original departure or the amounts paid would be lost.

If you have any additional questions, regarding your flight arrangements, please contact Brandie Cross at 703-291-2440 or email her at convention20@umwa.org.

We will continue to closely monitor the rapid spread of COVID-19 and will communicate with you at a later date.

 

Why Alabama Coal Miners Are Still on Strike

Source: The Nation.

January 7, 2022

 

Greg Pilkerton has been fighting for better pay and working conditions for 10 months. He explains why he and his union comrades aren’t giving up.

 

“Happy miners run more coal.”

 

When coal miner Greg Pilkerton spoke those words to me in his gruff Alabama drawl, it sounded like the most natural statement in the world. Of course, workers are more productive when they’re respected, well-compensated, and safe. Any argument against the notion would betray a profound lack of understanding of both the labor market and human nature writ large. Only a fool would say otherwise. Unfortunately, there are quite a lot of fools who sign our paychecks. Take the owners of Warrior Met Coal in Brookwood, Ala.; instead of sitting down at the bargaining table and hammering out a mutually satisfactory contract with the union negotiators who represent the will of their workforce, they have chosen to stall and, as an unfair labor practices charge filed by the United Mine Workers of America alleges, to operate in bad faith. This kind of stubborn cruelty is bad for workers, but it’s also bad for business. The strike has cost Warrior Met nearly $7 million and counting.

The strike’s circumstances have shifted over the past 10 months, but the root of the conflict remains the same: The coal miners want a better union contract, and the company does not want to give it to them. The workers have held fast to the same demands they laid out back on April 1, when they first voted to strike, and again on April 9, after the membership resoundingly rejected a tentative agreement that had been negotiated between Warrior Met and the UMWA. As the miners saw it, that April 6 offer was just a linguistic reshuffling of the 2016 contract under which they already labored and which had caused them so much pain. When Jim Walter Resources, the former owner of the mine, went bankrupt in 2015, Warrior Met brought in and rehired the laid-off workforce with the caveat that they’d have to accept a stripped-down contract and deep pay cuts. Man holding unfair labor practices sign.

After five long years of sacrifice, low pay, and grueling working conditions, the workers expected something that was at least as good as what they had before Warrior Met swooped in. Improvements would be nice, too, but now they also need to ensure that the company doesn’t follow through on its threat to give their jobs away. The workers want higher wages, more time off to spend with their families, lower health care costs, and, most importantly, respect on the job. Since this is an unfair labor practices strike (rather than an economic one), the company is prohibited from permanently replacing the union workers, but Warrior Met—who has kept the mines running with scab labor from Kentucky, West Virginia, and elsewhere—isn’t budging. Out on the picket lines, miners set copies of that hated old contract on fire, consigning that physical representation of the company’s avarice into a rusty burn barrel.

For Pilkerton, the union—and coal mining—has always been about family. When I met up with him during a recent reporting trip for More Perfect Union, I visited his wife’s parents’ house, a spacious haven decorated with family photos. A frothy white Christmas tree winked out from a corner, and the requisite college football game was unfolding on the flatscreen TV hung behind him. A burly white man with a bushy beard and kind eyes, Pilkerton was dressed in green and gold UMWA camo; his cheerful blonde wife, Amy, looked on as her mother knit beside her. He settled into the sofa, and told me about how he got here.

His father was a coal miner who spent 47 years underground and served as a UMWA district representative, and for as long as he could, he did his best to instill union pride in the next generation. Greg said he remembers growing up going to meetings with his parents and playing with other coal miners’ children at union-sponsored picnics; their union hall had playground equipment outside, and they’d square off against kids from other local mines in games of tug-of-war. When a deadly explosion rocked the Jim Walter Resources No. 5 coal mine in 2001, killing 13, Greg’s father was supposed to have been down there with them. Miraculously, Greg had cajoled his father into missing work to attend his grandson’s birthday party that afternoon instead, because he’d never made it to one before. Coal miners are used to missing out on family gatherings and milestones because of their punishing 12-hour work schedules, and this lack of family time has remained a major point of contention throughout the Warrior Met strike. Back then, though, the rules were looser, and that “guilt trip” may have saved Greg’s father’s life.

Later, “like so many other coal miners, he retired, and died shortly after,” the younger Pilkerton told me. Greg followed in his footsteps and worked in various local mines for years before he landed at Warrior Met in 2016. There, the mood was hopeful, with workers expecting that their efforts would be rewarded once the company was back on its feet. That honeymoon period didn’t last, though. “We were miserable the last two years, absolutely miserable,” he said. “But we knew if we did a good job, the company was going to do what they said they was going to do and take care of us. We put the right faith in the wrong people.”

Pilkerton got an up-close look at just how much Warrior Met values its employees when he was injured on the job several years ago. One night, he came out of the mines bleeding, his left hand crushed and mangled by machinery underground. Instead of calling for an ambulance, his boss asked a security guard to drive him to the nearest hospital and to take the bumpy back roads instead of the highway. Then, after forcing Pilkerton to interrupt treatment and shunt between different medical providers, Warrior Met fired him. “It is sad that money becomes more important than the people,” he said. “But to hear that we’re not worth what we’re making? That’s what gets me because that hurts my feelings.”

 

The company eventually hired him back, but Pilkerton had to fight it every step of the way toward his reinstatement. He also sustained permanent damage to his hand. When I showed him my own missing fingers (an accident of birth rather than industry), he gave me a wry grin, and told me, “We’re family.”

With that experience fresh in his mind, Pilkerton was still a little shocked when contract negotiations came around in early 2020, and the company essentially flipped them the bird. He and his coworkers hadn’t expected things to escalate into a strike so quickly. Neither had the company—but then the miners, all 1,100 of them, walked. “The first couple of weeks were pretty dadgum intense,” Pilkerton told me. “You had so many people out there at one time, and the intensity that was going on then, we actually had them stopped—the company wasn’t getting in and getting out. It was a situation where we had a little bit of bargaining room, too. It shouldn’t be one-sided all the time.”

Warrior Met disagreed. Beginning in July, the company filed a series of court-ordered injunctions against the union, whittling away bit by bit the number of picketers allowed on the line. By mid-December, a temporary restraining order had knocked it down to zero, and the strikers were left without a picket line at all. The company justified this measure by alleging that the picketers were “violent,” and even hired a high-powered publicity firm, LA-based Sitrick, and Company, to feed stories to the local press that painted the UMWA members as lawless thugs. All the while, Warrior Met and local police were twiddling their thumbs as vehicular attacks on the picket lines landed multiple workers in the hospital. Greg hasn’t forgotten, though, and neither has Amy; as I reported for this publication back in June, both of them were victims of these attacks and had witnessed others.

One hot summer morning, around 6:30 AM, Greg was on the line as usual when, following a heated exchange of words between the strikers and the driver of a white Dodge truck, who’d been antagonizing them, the truck turned around and plowed into the picket line, flinging a heavy burn barrel directly into him. “I had to dive into the road to keep from getting hit any worse, and there was all kinds of cars behind it,” he remembered. The impact tore his meniscus, and he’s since had to receive expensive gel injections in his knee to help alleviate the pain. “I’m trying to keep from having a knee replaced so maybe that’ll last,” he said ruefully. The driver, a contractor from West Virginia who was employed by Warrior Met, was eventually arrested. “They found him guilty,” said Greg, “but I still haven’t got any medical bills paid.”

When Amy was struck, Greg was wrapping up his picket-line duty for the day. He got a phone call and rushed over in a panic to where she’d been picketing with other strikers. Cell phone service is spotty at best out on the more isolated roads around the mine, and all he had heard was, “Amy got hit by a car.”

She was struck on the right side of her body, and was sore for weeks after; at the hospital, she was found to have deep tissue bruises. “I didn’t even see the car coming,” Amy told me. “He didn’t even attempt to stop. He just barreled through the picket line, and luckily he hit me just on the right side. Had he hit me head-on, who knows whether I’d be sitting here talking to you right now.” To literally add insult to injury, Amy is among the multiple UMWA members and auxiliary members who have been slapped with additional legal charges in relation to the ongoing restraining order. “I’ve done been subpoenaed to court for criminal trespass, and the only thing I can figure is they’re trying to say that I was criminally trespassing on the day that I got hit. If I did step over onto their property, it is because one of their employees hit me with a car!”

Greg’s eyes glistened as he spoke about that day, still shaken at the memory. “​​That’s my wife,” he said. “You can hit me with a car, you can curse me, you can throw a bottle at me, I don’t care. But you’re not gonna mess with her or my kids.” 

Beyond family ties, both Greg and Amy (and many other miners and auxiliary members I’ve spoken with) say that Warrior Met’s attempts to break the strike has only made the union stronger, and strengthened the community bonds between them. “They think that if they threaten us enough that the union will just give up, or some will decide to cross the picket line,” Amy told me. “But ​​my message is, we’re not going anywhere. They supposedly are telling their new hires that the union is gone, but the UMWA is probably stronger now than it was on March the 31st of 2021.”

Ten months in, the strike has become a long-haul struggle, and even with all of the mutual aid projects, donations from unions and labor groups across the country, and local support networks that the miners and auxiliary have built up, it has still been a very hard year for Brookwood, and for the Pilkertons. Though the Warrior Met strike has yet to surpass the UMWA’s historic battles against Massey Coal strike’s 15 months or Pittston’s April 1989 to February 1990 stretch, it’s getting damn near close—and is now the longest strike in Alabama history. Despite the company’s best efforts to smear them as marauding brutes, the union’s motto that its members will stick it out “one day longer, one day stronger” is not a threat. As far as Greg and his union siblings down in Brookwood are concerned, it’s a promise.

Written by: Kim Kelly

The Achilles’ Heel of Biden’s Climate Plan? Coal Miners.

Source: New York Times

December 8, 2021

 

For years, environmentalists have sought compromises with labor unions in industries reliant on fossil fuels, aware that one of the biggest obstacles to cutting carbon emissions is opposition from the unions’ members.

States like Washington, New York, and Illinois have enacted renewable-energy laws that were backed by unions representing workers who build and maintain traditional power plants. And unions for electricians and steelworkers are rallying behind President Biden’s climate and social policy legislation, now in the Senate’s hands.

But at least one group of workers appears far less enthusiastic about the deal-making: coal workers, who continue to regard clean-energy jobs as a major risk to their standard of living.

“It’s definitely going to pay less, not have our insurance,” Gary Campbell, a heavy-equipment operator at a coal mine in West Virginia, said of wind and solar jobs. “We see windmills around us everywhere. They’re up, then everybody disappears. It’s not consistent.”

Mr. Biden has sought to address the concerns about pay with subsidies that provide incentives for wind and solar projects to offer union-scale wages. His bill includes billions in aid, training money, and redevelopment funds that will help coal communities.

But Phil Smith, the top lobbyist for the United Mine Workers of America, said a general skepticism toward promises of economic relief was nonetheless widespread among his members. “We’ve heard the same things over and over and over again going back to J.F.K.,” Mr. Smith said. The union has been pointedly mum on the current version of Mr. Biden’s bill, which the president is calling Build Back Better.

Unfortunately for Mr. Biden, this skepticism has threatened to undermine his efforts on climate change. While there are fewer than 50,000 unionized coal miners in the country, compared with the millions of industrial and construction workers who belong to unions, miners have long punched above their weight thanks to their concentration in election battleground states like Pennsylvania or states with powerful senators, like Joe Manchin III of West Virginia.

When Mr. Manchin, a Democrat and one of the chamber’s swing votes, came out against Mr. Biden’s $150 billion clean electricity program in October, his move effectively killed what many environmentalists considered the most critical component of the president’s climate agenda. The miners’ union applauded.

And Mr. Manchin and his constituents will continue to exert outsize influence over climate policy. Mr. Biden’s roughly $2 trillion bill includes about $550 billion in spending on green technology and infrastructure. Even if the bill passes largely intact, most experts say future government action will be necessary to stave off the catastrophic effects of global warming.

All of that has raised the stakes for courting coal miners.

“Our guiding principle is the belief that we don’t have to choose between good jobs and a clean environment,” said Jason Walsh, the executive director of the BlueGreen Alliance, which has united labor and environmental groups to marshal support for initiatives like Mr. Biden’s. “But our ability to continue to articulate that belief with a straight face depends on the policy choices we make.”

“Coal miners,” he added, “are at the center of that.”

It is impossible to explain mine workers’ jaundiced view of Mr. Biden’s agenda without appreciating their heightened economic vulnerability: Unlike the carpenters and electricians who work at power plants but could apply their skills to renewable-energy projects, many miners are unlikely to find jobs on wind and solar farms that resemble their current work. (Some, like equipment operators, have more transferable skills.)

It is also difficult to overstate the political gamesmanship that has shaped the discourse on miners. In her 2016 presidential campaign, Hillary Clinton proposed spending $30 billion on economic aid for coal country. But a verbal miscue — “We’re going to put a lot of coal miners and coal companies out of business,” she said while discussing her proposal at a town hall — allowed opponents to portray her as waging a “war on coal.”

“It is a politicized situation in which one political party that’s increasingly captured by industry benefits from the status quo by perpetuating this rhetoric,” said Matto Mildenberger, a political scientist at the University of California, Santa Barbara, who studiesthe politics of climate policy.

And then there is Mr. Manchin, a complicated political figure who is among the Senate’s leading recipients of campaign money from the fossil fuel industry.

Mr. Manchin has sometimes resisted provisions favored by the miners’ union, such as wage-replacement payments to coal workers who must accept a lower-paying job. “At the end of the day, it wasn’t something he was interested in doing,” said Mr. Smith, the union’s lobbyist. A spokeswoman for Mr. Manchin declined to comment.

Yet in other ways Mr. Manchin has channeled his constituents’ feelings well, suggesting that he might be more enthusiastic about renewable-energy legislation if they were.

At a forum in the spring, he talked about the tendency to forget coal miners — “We feel like the returning Vietnam veteran,” he said — and questioned the proposed trade of “the traditional jobs we’re about to lose, for the transitional jobs that I’m not sure are going to be there.”

In interviews, coal workers said they were skeptical that Mr. Biden’s spending plan would ultimately benefit them. Mr. Campbell, a recording secretary for his union local, said he would be pleased if an electric-vehicle battery plant opened in West Virginia under a manufacturing tax credit pending in Congress.

But he doubted it would happen. “Until something gets done, I don’t want to jump on anyone’s coattail,” he said. “We’ve had a lot of promises, that’s about it.”

Dustin Tingley, an expert on public opinion on climate policy at Harvard University, said that while investments in green technology were popular among the general public, many coal country residents simply didn’t believe these investments would produce jobs in their communities over the long term.

“If you’re some 35-year-old, 40-year-old worker in fossil fuels thinking about transitioning to some new industry, you need to have the expectation that the jobs will actually be around,” Dr. Tingley said.

The clean-energy bill that Illinois passed in September illustrates the tension. The legislation allocated hundreds of millions of dollars to accelerate the transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy and ensures that construction workers will receive union-scale wages on most non-residential projects. It also includes tens of millions of dollars for worker training.

But Doris Turner, a Democratic state senator from central Illinois whose district includes a coal-powered plant and mine workers, said she had voted “present” rather than “yea” on the bill because of lingering concerns about workers.

Ms. Turner, a first-term senator who helped win a concession to extend the life of the local coal plant, said she sometimes felt like the Joe Manchin of Illinois. “I’m trying to build relationships with new colleagues, and all of a sudden here we are with this energy legislation and I’m like, ‘I can’t do that,’” Ms. Turner said. “Nobody was very rude, but I could hear sighs.”

Pat Devaney, the secretary-treasurer of the Illinois A.F.L.-C.I.O., who was involved in negotiating the bill, said coal workers presented the most vexing policy dilemma.

“That one is a little bit tougher of a nut to crack,” he said, adding that the A.F.L.-C.I.O. and other labor groups would continue to push for proposals like health benefits and lost-wage compensation for displaced workers, programs that didn’t make it into the recently enacted Illinois law.

Such delays in economic relief are typical and have heightened miners’ opposition to clean-energy legislation, said Heidi Binko, executive director of the Just Transition Fund, a nonprofit group focused on growing local economies hit hard by the decline of fossil fuels.

Ms. Binko cited the example of the Obama administration, which in 2014 proposed an ambitious regulatory effort to reduce carbon emissions that appeared likely to accelerate the closing of coal-fired plants. The administration later unveiled an economic development package for coal country — after voters there had already become alarmed.

“It would have been received so differently if first, the administration had done something to help the people left behind,” Ms. Binko said.

Private philanthropists have often reinforced the problem, Ms. Binko said, by spending millions on campaigns to shut down coal plants, but little on economic development that would ease the political opposition to renewable energy in states like West Virginia.

Carrie Doyle, a senior fellow in the environment program of the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, which makes grants to organizations working on climate change, said philanthropists were only beginning to address the shortfall in funding for economic development.

“It feels like it should have been put into place a while ago,” Ms. Doyle said. “Some of that funding is happening now, but it needs to scale.”

While such efforts will come too late to ease the passage of Mr. Biden’s climate legislation, they could be essential to ensuring that renewable energy remains politically viable.

Some scholars point to international trade as a cautionary tale. In the 1990s and 2000s, Congress approved multiple trade deals. Economists argued, as they do on renewable energy today, that the benefits to the country would far outweigh the costs, which would be concentrated among a small group of workers who could be compensated for their losses, or find new jobs for similar pay.

But the failure to ease the economic blow to manufacturing workers, who many economists now concede were devastated by greater trade with China, helped unravel political support for free trade. In 2016, both major presidential nominees campaigned against the 12-nation trade pact that the Obama administration had spent years negotiating.

If displaced fossil fuel workers go through a comparable experience, these scholars say, the political effects could be similar, unraveling support for climate policies.

“There are lessons to be learned from that experience,” said Dr. Tingley, speaking of the fallout from trade. Among them, he added, “was just recognizing how hard it is to pivot, given where people are in life.”

 

Written By Noam Scheiber

Union Plus: Wireless Savings

Source: Union Plus

Looking for gift ideas this holiday season? Why not gift your loved one a cool new set of headphones? With the AT&T Signature Program, union members can get discounts on a wide range of eligible accessories – including headphones, smart devices, and more.

Learn more: https://unionplus.deals/kke